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毕摩经书与语言是安全永续的,抑或仅是学习汉语的一个台阶?
──凉山彝语与(西班牙)加泰罗尼亚语之间的异同
Is the Script and Language of the Bimo Safe for ever or Only a Stepping Stone to Learning Han?
Some Similarities and Differences between the Situations of Liangshan Yi and Catalan

  Lluis Polanco & Michael Prosser 路易斯·波兰寇 , 麦克尔·普若塞尔

  Catalan Department, Valencia University, Spain
  西班牙巴伦西亚大学加泰罗尼亚语系

  Language Department, Valencia Polytechnic University, Spain
  西班牙巴伦西亚工艺大学语言系

  【摘要】本文对比凉山彝族自治州和西南欧使用加泰兰语地区的语言政策。对欧洲许多其他少数民族语言使用者而言,西班牙东北部加泰罗尼亚自治区对加泰兰语所实施的语言政策是一个成功的代表。同时,凉山彝语文政策是中国西南许多少数民族语言文字的羡慕目标。尽管二者均可被分别称为成功的个案,但是这两种语言的远景还远远不能让人释然。在它们各自的语言群体之中,也存在着社会语言和语言文字政策在不同地区的极大差异。也许,由于两种现状之间存在的诸多基本差异,这样的直接类比并不完全公允, 但是,我们感到,探索加泰兰语的情况可以帮助凉山关注该地彝语未来的语言规划者们:使其洞察到更为长远的问题, 尤其是一旦大部分彝族人已经掌握了汉语。二者的主要区别是:
  ¨ 分析加泰罗尼亚语言现状的参照点在于,使用这一语言的人并不象在中国那样就是属于某一个民族的人。
  ¨ 在加泰罗尼亚,语言政策的目标基于维系加泰兰语和西班牙语双语并存,避免加泰兰语被西班牙语完全取代。相形之下,在凉山,最大的困扰并不完全在于彝、汉语言转换 (不过也有人忧虑这一可能性), 而是将单一彝语表达为主变为彝、汉双语表达。在那些彝语群体也完全能讲汉语的地区,保护和促进彝族语言文字,从而阻止长期语言转换的措施也并不多见。它反映在教育制度上:已经掌握了汉语的彝族儿童或者全面接受汉语中等教育,或者接受双语二类体制教育。而且实际上只有极少数不掌握汉语的彝族小孩全面接受单一彝语教育 (一类体制)。
  ¨ 讲加泰兰语的知识分子和西欧其他少数民族语种的知识分子一般热衷于他们的子女接受双语教育,并完全掌握少数民族语言。同时我们也注意到这样一种趋势,一些受过教育和城市化了的彝族人只培养他们的孩子使用汉语。
  ¨ 实际上,所有讲加泰兰语的人也掌握全国官方语言:反之在凉山,在使用彝语的人之中,不具备或者很少具备汉语知识的人的比例很高。
  ¨ 在加泰罗尼亚, 所有居民都通过加泰兰语接受教育,无论其母语为何种语言,而在凉山,非彝族人受到彝语文教育的情形十分罕见。除非是某些彝族聚居区的外族干部,其他民族甚至很少将彝语文作为第二语言来学习。 人们并不认为所有彝族人绝对要学习彝语。在加泰罗尼亚,人们感到全体居民, 无论来自哪里, 都应掌握加泰兰语, 反之在凉山,没有汉人要普遍掌握彝语的动向。

  关键词:语言政策 少数民族语言文字 语言传代 使用单语表达和双语表达的人 双语制教育 公共用途 凉山彝语 加泰兰语 语言的持续性 语言转换

  Abstract

  This paper contrasts language policy in the Autonomous Yi Prefecture of Liangshan and the Catalan-speaking areas of south-western Europe. The policy towards Catalan in the autonomous region of Catalonia in north-eastern Spain represents a success story for many speakers of other minority languages in Europe while that towards Liangshan Yi is the envy of many minority languages in south-western China. Although both situations can be termed relative success stories, the long-term future of either language is far from being secure. Within each of these linguistic communities there are also big sociolinguistic and language-policy differences in different areas. Perhaps such a direct comparison is not completely fair, given many fundamental differences between both situations, but we feel that observing the situation of Catalan can help language planners in Liangshan concerned about the future of Liangshan Yi to gain an insight into more long-term problems, especially once most Yi have achieved basic competence in Han. Some major differences between both situations are:

  · The point of reference for analyzing the linguistic situation in Catalonia is the language which a person speaks and not their ethnic identity as in China.

  · In Catalonia the language policy is basically aimed at maintaining a bilingual Catalan-Spanish situation and preventing the complete substitution of Catalan by Spanish. In contrast in Liangshan the major worry is not complete Yi-Han language shift (although many are concerned about this possibility), but rather about changing a situation of predominantly Yi monolingualism into one of Yi-Han bilingualism. In areas where Yi-speaking communities are also fully competent in Han, there is little evidence of measures to protect and promote the Yi language and script and thus prevent long-term language shift. This is reflected in the educational system where Yi children already fluent in Han either receive a totally Han-medium education or a Type 2 bilingual and even only very few monolingual Yi actually receive a full Yi-medium (Type 1) education.

  · Catalan-speaking intellectuals and those of other Western European minority languages are typically keen to ensure that their children are brought up bilingually and fully competent in the minority language. We note a tendency among some educated and urbanized Yi to bring up their children in only Han.

  · Virtually all speakers of Catalan also speak the majority state language, whereas in Liangshan a high proportion of the Yi speaking population has no or little knowledge of Han.

  · In Catalonia, all residents are educated through the medium of Catalan, whatever their mother tongue, whilst in Liangshan it is rare for people not of Yi Ethnic Minority to be educated in Liangshan Yi or, apart from certain cadres in core Yi areas, even to learn it as a second language. It is not even considered imperative that all people of Yi Ethnic Minority learn it. In Catalonia it is felt that all residents, whatever their origin, should be fluent in Catalan, whereas in Liangshan there is no movement for the Han public at large to acquire competence in Yi.

  Keywords:language-policy─minority languages and scripts─intergenerational language transmission─monolingual and bilingual speakers─bilingual education─public use─Liangshan Yi─Catalan─language maintenance─language shift


  作者简介:
  麦克尔·普若塞尔毕业于汉语专业 (爱丁堡大学),曾在中国学习三年并任教(主要在广西)。主要研究领域是中国西南地区少数民族语言政策。目前正在完成关于促进凉山彝族和壮族文字的文学博士论文,曾先后两次走访西昌和昭觉。在西班牙瓦伦西亚综合科技大学教授德语(从今年九月份起将担任汉语教师)。

  路易斯·波兰寇毕业于加泰兰语言文学专业,并获博士学位, 是西班牙瓦伦西亚大学加泰兰语系讲师。研究领域是加泰兰语和其它小语种的社会语言和语言政策,曾遍访中国, 阿拉伯语(柏柏尔语)国家及欧洲。

  About the authors:
  Michael Prosser is a graduate of Chinese (Edinburgh) and spent 3 years as a student and teacher in China (mainly in Guangxi). His main area of interest is the language policy among the minority nationalities of south-western China. At present he is completing a PhD on the promotion of the Liangshan Yi and Zhuang scripts and has visited Xichang and Zhaojue on two occasions. He teaches German (and from September this year will also teach Chinese) at the Polytechnic University of Valencia, Spain.

  Lluís Polanco is a graduate of, and holds a doctorate in, Catalan Philology, and is a lecturer in the Department of Catalan of Valencia University, Spain. His area of special interest is sociolinguistics and language policy, both of Catalan and other minority languages. He has travelled extensively in China, the Arab (and Berber)-speaking world and Europe.


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